Senate Travel Perks for Sale?
Contributors to lawmakers' charity, including lobbyists, are invited to go overseas with legislators.
By Patrick McGreevy and Nancy Vogel, Los Angeles Times Staff Writers
SACRAMENTO -- - The California Senate offers special
interests that give money to its charity the opportunity to
travel with state lawmakers to Rio de Janeiro, Buenos
Aires, Jerusalem, Tokyo and other foreign locales.
The Senate uses its staff -- paid by taxpayers -- to help
make travel plans for the contributors, some donors said.
The donors are mostly corporate interests with business
before the Legislature who get a federal tax deduction for
their contributions.
Government ethics experts say the arrangement is
inappropriate.
From 2004 through 2007, 12 of 18 foreign trips for
lawmakers that were coordinated by the Senate included
lobbyists or other representatives of companies that
donated at least $2,000 each to the Senate's California
International Relations Foundation, according to Senate
records.
That charity pays for meals, gifts and other costs of
entertaining foreign delegations that visit the state
Capitol and helps fund an exchange of California and
Japanese high school students.
Donors who gave $2,000 -- the amount was raised to $3,000
this year -- or more got a seat on the foundation's board
of directors. The board's 23 directors, or alternates of
their choosing, are invited to join the Senate delegations
overseas, paying their own way, said Ezilda Samoville,
director of the Senate Office of International Relations
and the foundation.
The main benefit of having such a foundation board is that
"we don't have to do any fundraisers," said Samoville, who
added that the foundation received $52,260 in donations
last year.
Carol Scott, a former member of the California Fair
Political Practices Commission, the state ethics watchdog
agency, said the Senate should not help lobbyists and other
representatives of special interests join the state
delegations.
Foreign trips are important to educate legislators, she
said, "but they should not be an opportunity for informal
lobbying by special interests."
Experts on nonprofit organizations say the Senate's
foundation may not deserve its status as a 501(c)(3)
organization, named for the tax code section that makes the
entity exempt from federal taxes and permits contributors
to claim a deduction. The Senate's foundation shares the
status with organizations such as homeless shelters, the
United Way and the American Red Cross and is not required
to name its donors.
Gregory P. Schmidt, who runs daily operations as secretary
of the Senate and also chairs the foundation board, said he
had consulted with the Legislature's attorneys on the issue
of whether the foundation's arrangements were legal.
Legislative Counsel Diane F. Boyer-Vine said the Senate's
charity serves a legislative purpose because the trips are
educational. But her office could not address questions
about the tax-exempt status of the foundation. "We do
legislative law," she said.
Frances R. Hill, a University of Miami law professor and
expert on nonprofits, said the federal tax code forbids
tax-exempt charities from bestowing "excess" benefits
exclusively on board members. Such organizations are also
bound by the "private inurement" doctrine that aims to
ensure that a nonprofit's benefits are public, not
private.
Hill said the structure of the Senate's international
relations foundation essentially allows board members --
who get their position by donating -- to purchase access to
California legislators on foreign trips. Average
Californians and officials in industries that have not
donated to the foundation have not been granted such
access, Hill noted.
"You just can't sell a board membership like this," she
said.
The foundation was created in 1991 after then-Senate
President Pro Tem David Roberti, a Democrat from Los
Angeles, found he had nothing to offer visiting foreign
dignitaries but coffee in disposable cups.
"It was embarrassing, it was awkward and it certainly
didn't look good for California," he said in a recent
interview.
Most donors who contribute at least $2,000 have perennial
business before the Legislature. They include the
California Credit Union League, Union Bank of California,
the California Bankers Assn., Chevron Corp., the California
Healthcare Assn., the Recording Industry Assn. of America,
Pfizer Inc., the California Tribal Business Alliance,
Monsanto Co. and Altria Corp. Services, whose parent
company owns cigarette maker Philip Morris.
The foundation has an advisory committee that includes
seven senators and Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa,
according to its website.
The foundation does not underwrite the foreign travel of
California senators. That tab is paid mostly by foreign
governments, foreign nonprofits or the politicians'
personal or campaign funds.
The Russian city governments of Moscow and St. Petersburg,
for example, spent a combined $17,775 on hotels, meals,
transportation and "cultural activities" for five senators
during a weeklong visit in 2006.
Typically, a foreign government or trade group contacts the
Senate to invite lawmakers, Samoville said, and then she
helps assemble a delegation.
The lobbyists and corporate officials who sit on the
foundation board learn about the trips at board meetings,
Samoville said.
"They are then invited to accompany delegations," she
said.
Lobbyists must pay their own way when they join legislators
overseas, Samoville said, and "they make their own
arrangements and are free to choose their own flights and
hotels."
But some corporate representatives who have accompanied
lawmakers on such trips said the Senate has made some of
their arrangements.
Ryan Brooks, vice president of government affairs for CBS
Outdoor, a billboard company, said the Senate staff has
booked his travel. He has flown to Russia, France,
Argentina and Brazil in recent years with Senate
delegations.
"The [Senate] travel office makes the arrangements," Brooks
said. He said he provided his personal credit card numbers
to Senate staff for his share of the costs.
George Steffes, a lobbyist for the engineering company
Bechtel Corp., has joined several Senate trips. Senate
staff usually books a block of hotel rooms, including his,
he said. Steffes said he makes his own flight arrangements
and pays all of his costs.
The travel is "a good opportunity to develop relationships
with senators," Steffes said.
Samoville said she discourages corporate officials from
picking up lawmakers' tabs overseas. But it happens.
Three senators and an assemblyman traveled to Japan last
spring on a 10-day, Senate-arranged trip, according to
Senate records. They were accompanied by Kevin J. Kinnaw,
the top government affairs official in California for
automaker Toyota and a board member of the international
relations foundation.
Kinnaw paid the $1,256 tab for the legislators and their
family members at a restaurant in Tokyo's pricey Ginza
district, according to reports that companies must file
about their lobbying expenditures.
The trip to Japan included Sens. Jack Scott (D-Altadena),
Bob Margett (R-Arcadia), Jim Battin (R-La Quinta) and
Assemblyman Ted Lieu (D-Torrance).
At the time, Toyota was paying lobbyists thousands of
dollars a month to lobby the Legislature on pending
legislation, including opposition to an ultimately
unsuccessful bill that would have required half of the
vehicles sold in California by 2020 to be certified to run
on clean, alternative fuel.
In the Senate, Scott voted yes, Margett voted in opposition
and Battin did not vote. Lieu did not get an opportunity to
vote on the bill.
Scott Keene, a Toyota lobbyist who has joined several
Senate delegations to Japan, said he does not use the trips
to lobby legislators. Still, he acknowledged that last
spring he attended the briefing of California legislators
at Toyota's world headquarters.
Sen. Scott said nothing he heard during the Toyota meeting
influenced his subsequent votes on bills.
"I'm going to weigh what's in the best interest of my
constituents from my district and the state and vote
accordingly," Scott said.
patrick.mcgreevy@ latimes.com
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