L.A. County Donor Curbs Lack Teeth
Voters approved the campaign limits in 1996. But no one has been fined for violations and agencies squabble about monitoring for them.
By Jack Leonard, Times Staff Writer
Nine years after voters overwhelmingly approved an
initiative that limited fundraising for Los Angeles County
elections, violations of the law are going undiscovered and
unpunished.
A Times investigation found that no candidate or donor has
ever been fined or prosecuted for breaking the rules. The
two agencies designated to police the law disagree about
which one should look for violations. And the district
attorney's office has concluded that the rules are all but
unenforceable.
At the same time, a review of records since the 2003-04
election cycle found more than two dozen contributions that
either violated contribution limits or came from registered
lobbyists, who were barred from contributing to county
campaigns. Among the recipients of those donations: three
county supervisors and the district attorney.
"Nobody is minding the store," said Bob Stern, president of
the Center for Governmental Studies in Los Angeles. "If you
don't have any agency monitoring and no enforcement, people
think they can get away with it."
The county's minimal efforts to enforce its campaign laws
stand in stark contrast to the strict approach at Los
Angeles City Hall:
• The five-member city Ethics
Commission has four auditors who scour campaign paperwork
for violations and four investigators who follow up on
complaints. Neither county agency that oversees campaign
laws â€" the registrar-recorder's office and
the district attorney's office â€" employs
investigators or auditors to scrutinize campaign
filings.
• Violators of the city's laws face
substantial fines â€" more than $978,000 since
2004. In that same period, the county has issued $250 in
fines for county elections law violations, all of them for
late paperwork and outside the scope of the 1996 law.
• The city examines records to find
schemes by donors to skirt limits by reimbursing friends,
relatives or associates â€" an illegal practice
known as political money laundering. No one at the county
checks for money laundering.
• The city Ethics Commission has clear
authority to issue subpoenas, take testimony and impose
fines. The county's vaguely worded law gave no agency such
power, and prosecutors said they lacked the authority to
get the evidence they needed to enforce the rules.
Those differences surprise few campaign reform
advocates.
The county's five elected supervisors manage a $19-billion
bureaucracy responsible for running hospitals, caring for
foster children, collecting child support and jailing
criminals. Yet, except on rare occasions, they have a lower
profile than the Los Angeles mayor or City Council
members.
"As a result, there's no one pounding on their doors to
say, 'Tighten up your ethics and election laws,' " said
Tracy Westen, chief executive of the Center for
Governmental Studies.
To be sure, few counties in California have the kind of
vigorous enforcement that the city does. Only San
Francisco, which has a unified city-county government, has
an ethics commission.
But three county supervisors and Dist. Atty. Steve Cooley,
when informed of the county's failure to pursue campaign
finance violations, said county officials should take
immediate steps to fix the lax enforcement.
"What bothers me is that this law has been on the books for
nine years and no one has called attention to this," said
Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky, who originally proposed the
rules. "The fact that there is confusion on the part of the
people who are charged with enforcing it is a wake-up
call."
Supervisor Michael Antonovich said he would ask the
registrar-recorder today to create a special unit to ensure
that candidates comply with the rules, while Supervisor
Yvonne Brathwaite Burke said she would support improved
enforcement, depending on the cost.
Cooley said he believed that the county should create its
own ethics commission. "There is a void here," he said.
But Supervisor Don Knabe said there were too few violations
to justify a commission, adding that the county has fewer
elected positions than the city â€" eight
compared with 18. And the amount of improper donations, he
said, is far outweighed by the hundreds of thousands of
dollars that are given within the rules. "I think the
county does a strong job policing itself," he said.
Campaign finance advocates said it was up to the
supervisors to force the district attorney and county
election officials to act.
"In the absence of leadership from a member on the Board of
Supervisors, it's going to have to wait until there's a
scandal that galvanizes public attention," said Rebecca
Avila, chairwoman of California Common Cause and former
executive director of the city Ethics Commission.
It was just such a scandal that led voters to create the
city Ethics Commission in 1990. The commission was the
brainchild of a blue-ribbon panel appointed by Mayor Tom
Bradley, who was under fire for his role as a paid director
emeritus of a savings and loan.
The commission has since made a name for itself as an
independent body that is willing to fine anyone who runs
afoul of the law. Two years ago, it fined Mayor James K.
Hahn's political campaign committees $53,522.
"People come to understand that nobody is above the law,"
said LeeAnn Pelham, the commission's executive
director.
Until voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition B in 1996,
the county had no campaign finance rules and incumbents
routinely raised millions of dollars, deterring
challengers.
The measure prohibits candidates, in most cases, from
accepting more than $1,000 per donor for each election or
more than $1,000 per year for their officeholder accounts,
which pay for such expenses as travel and supplies.
The measure also bans candidates from knowingly soliciting
or accepting donations from registered lobbyists.
Violators face a $5,000 fine and, if they knowingly break
the law, prosecution for a misdemeanor that could lead to
six months in jail. But the law did not spell out how the
rules would be enforced and left it up to the
registrar-recorder and district attorney to "receive and
investigate complaints" and choose staff "responsible for
the enforcement and administration" of the rules.
Registrar-Recorder Conny McCormack said she believed that
the law required her agency only to educate candidates
about the rules and forward complaints about violations to
the district attorney's office.
"Clearly, we don't have investigative authority," she said.
"We take a cursory look at these filings. We don't study
them and compare every little thing against Proposition
B."
Six clerks review campaign statements, but they check
thousands each year, not only for county elections but also
for hundreds of local and state races.
Amid the paperwork, violations are overlooked.
Antonovich accepted $2,000 from the Commerce Casino for his
officeholder account â€" twice the legal limit.
He received $1,500 from David Fleming, an attorney and
Metropolitan Transportation Authority board member.
He also accepted contributions to his campaign from five
donors who each exceeded the $1,000 limit.
Burke accepted $1,500 from a commercial property firm.
She said her chief fundraiser caught the mistake and
corrected it, but her campaign staff forgot to amend
election records to reflect that.
Antonovich said his campaign inadvertently accepted the
contributions and returned the money Wednesday after a call
from The Times. "We take full responsibility for any
accounting errors," he said.
Registrar officials do not compare campaign donors against
registered lobbyists, saying that it would be too
time-consuming. Unlike Los Angeles and the state, the
county has not computerized its election records so clerks
must search reams of paper records.
Antonovich accepted $1,750 total from five registered
lobbying firms, most of which represented developers who
needed county approval for their plans. He said those
donations were returned Wednesday.
Burke received $250 from one â€" a donation she
said was accepted in error to a campaign account that she
has since closed.
Knabe received $3,125 total from five registered lobbyists
and an additional contribution in excess of the $1,000
campaign limit: $1,500.
He said he hired an accountant last year who did not check
for registered lobbyists. Knabe said he would return the
contributions.
Noting that he received more than 1,100 contributions last
election, he said, "If we make a mistake or two, that's
fine. I think we've done a pretty good job."
Cooley's records indicated that the district attorney
accepted $125 in July 2003 from lobbyist Edwin K. Marzec.
But Cooley acknowledged that he also had accepted another
$5,500 from lobbyists that year because he was unaware of
the ban until he learned about it from a lobbyist in
December 2003.
His campaign treasurer audited his donations and returned
the $5,500 last year. Cooley said Marzec's contribution was
missed.
Unlike the city Ethics Commission, county officials do not
examine campaign statements for money laundering and have
no plans to do so. In the last year, the Ethics Commission
has issued more than 90 fines to people and companies that
participated in money-laundering schemes.
In the few cases where county election clerks find blatant
violations, they send their filings to the district
attorney's office for enforcement.
Since 1998, the registrar-recorder has referred nine cases,
all involving allegations that candidates loaned themselves
more than $20,000.
One of those was Lynne Plambeck.
Plambeck, who runs a small Burbank business that recycles
film, tried last year to unseat Antonovich from the
northern county supervisorial seat he has held since 1980.
Plambeck said she thought she needed to loan herself
$50,000 to compete against a candidate with more than
$500,000 in campaign funds.
She said she consulted the registrar's office and thought
she could make the loan. Three months later, county
elections officials notified her that she had violated the
law and could face criminal prosecution and a $90,000
fine.
"I thought I was going to throw up," Plambeck recalled. "If
they did this to me, gosh, I could lose my house over
this."
Upon learning that supervisors had violated campaign rules
with impunity, Plambeck said it was unfair that the law was
policed haphazardly and that it was no coincidence that
incumbents have gone unquestioned.
"I'm not surprised by it. I'm discouraged by it," she
said.
Like all nine referrals from elections officials to the
district attorney's office, Plambeck's case resulted in no
criminal charges or fines.
In 2001, the county created a task force to improve
enforcement that included prosecutors and officials from
the registrar's office.
David Demerjian, the head of the district attorney's
then-new Public Integrity Division, said he recalled that
registrar officials had raised concerns that prosecutors
never filed criminal charges. "I said, 'If you send us the
cases, we'll certainly review them for filing,' " Demerjian
said he told them.
That would have marked a departure. Under Dist. Atty. Gil
Garcetti, the office had never sought charges or fines.
Garcetti, now chairman of the city Ethics Commission,
declined to comment.
But Demerjian later decided that prosecutors could not act
on the referrals.
The district attorney's office, he said, lacks the
authority to obtain a search warrant for records that are
needed for successful prosecutions because the crimes are
misdemeanors, not felonies. And the office lacks the
authority the city Ethics Commission has to subpoena
records. Prosecutors could ask the grand jury to subpoena
documents, but Demerjian said the office reserves that
panel for serious felony cases.
So when Plambeck's case arrived on his desk, Demerjian
said, he looked at the evidence and decided that he could
not file charges without more records.
"I think the problem we have now is a lack of tools to
actually investigate," Demerjian said. "I don't think
anyone foresaw this."
*
(BEGIN TEXT OF INFOBOX)
Improper contributions
Since the 2003-04 election cycle, three Los Angeles County
supervisors and the district attorney have accepted
contributions banned by the 1996 campaign finance reform
initiative.
Supervisor Mike Antonovich
Contributions that exceeded $1,000
limit:
Commerce Casino, $2,000
W. Charles Chastain, $1,500
David Fleming (lawyer, Latham & Watkins), $1,500
Law Offices of Michael Thomas, $1,875
Matich Corp., $2,000
Transamerica Broadcasting Corp. (KTYM-AM), $1,350
SCC Acquisitions, $2,000
Contributions from registered lobbyists:
Hans Giraud & Associates, $350
Land Design Consultants, $525
Law Offices of John W. Harris & Associates, $350
Planning Associates, $175
Sutnar & Sutnar, $350
Supervisor Don Knabe
Contributions that exceeded the $1,000 legal
limit:
Jerry B. Epstein Management Co., $1,500
Contributions from registered lobbyists:
Land Design Consultants, $500
Mike Roos & Co., $250
Law offices of John W. Harris, $250
Svorinich & Associates, $2,000
Charles Moore, $125
Supervisor Yvonne Brathwaite Burke
Contributions that exceeded $1,000
limit:
HREG Genesis Carson, $1,500*
Contributions from registered lobbyists:
David Cunningham & Associates, $250
Dist. Atty. Steve Cooley
Contributions from registered lobbyists:
Edwin K. Marzec, $125
Source: Los Angeles County campaign finance records
*Burke said her campaign staff returned the check before it
was cashed but did not note that on election records.
See the article on Los Angeles Times website